Posts Tagged ‘Obama’

Answering the $980 Million Question: Infographic

Tuesday, April 23rd, 2013

In 2012, Mitt Romney lost New Hampshire, Ohio, Florida and Virginia by 429,000 votes collectively for a total of 64 electoral votes.  Had the Romney campaign been able to persuade half of the 429,000 voters in these swing states, he would have garnered 270 electoral votes and would be sitting in the Oval Office today.

 

4 States, 429,000 Votes

Answering the $980 Million Question: 4 States; 429,000 Votes – Virginia

Friday, March 22nd, 2013

VIRGINIA

Consider this: Mitt Romney loses New Hampshire, Ohio, Florida and Virginia by 429,000 votes collectively for a total of 62 electoral votes.  Three of the four swing states have Republican Governors with the exception of New Hampshire.  Had the Romney campaign been able to persuade half of the 429,000 voters mentioned above, he would have garnered 270 electoral voters and would be sitting in the Oval Office today.

This blog series will take a look at VA, OH, FL and NH and consider which counties Romney could have focused on in order to win in the Electoral College.  We are interested in uncovering where the key geographic counties are in each of the swing states.

VIRGINIA: 12 KEY COUNTIES

In 2012, Romney lost Virginia by 149,298 votes and needed only 75,000 votes to win the Commonwealth. Where did Romney need to improve his vote performance in order to claim victory in the Old Dominion?  We have boiled it down to 12 counties:

NARROW-THE-GAP COUNTIES

  • Fairfax County (13.7% statewide vote; Washington DC Market) Romney loses Fairfax by 20 points.  Had he reduced his loss to 17 points he would have gained 10,000 more votes.  In 2009 McDonnell gets 51% of the vote in Fairfax and beats Deeds by 2 points.
  • Arlington County (3.1% statewide vote; Washington DC Media Market) Romney loses Arlington County by 40 points.  McDonnell lost it by 31 points in 2009.  Had Romney garnered just 0.9% more of the vote in Arlington he would have picked up 1,000 more votes.
  • Richmond (2.5% statewide vote; Richmond Media Market) Romney loses Richmond by 57 points.  In our model we leave this county untouched.  McDonnell lost Richmond by 39 points in 2009.
  • Norfolk (2.3% statewide vote; Norfolk Media Market) Romney loses Norfolk by 45 points.  Had Romney reduced his loss to 43 points he would have gained 1,000 more votes.  McDonnell lost Norfolk County by 20 points.
  • Newport News (2.1% statewide vote; Norfolk Media Market) Romney loses Newport News by 30 points.  Had he reduced his loss to 25 points he would have gained 2,000 more votes.  McDonnell split the vote in Newport News 50/50 with Creigh Deeds in 2009.
  • Alexandria City (1.9% statewide vote; Washington DC Market) Romney loses Alexandria City by 44 points.  Had he reduced his margin by 41 points he would have gained 1,000 more votes.  McDonnell lost Alexandria City by 26 points.

Had Romney improved his vote percentage by 1.3 points on average in the 6 counties/cities listed above he would have gained 15,000 more votes.  That leaves Romney with 60,000 more votes needed to win the Old Dominion.

MUST WIN SWING COUNTIES

  • Prince William (4.7% statewide vote; Washington, DC market): Romney loses Prince William by 16 points.  Had he won the county by 8.9 points he would have gained 16,000 more votes.  McDonnell won Prince William by 18 points in 2009.
  • Loudon (4.2% statewide vote; Washington, DC Market): Romney loses Loudon by only 4 points. Had he won the county by 9.4 points we would have gained 15,000 more votes.  McDonnell won London by 22 points in 2009.
  • Henrico (4.2% of statewide vote; Richmond Market): Romney loses Henrico by 12 points.  Had he won by county by 8 points he would have gained 13,000 more votes.  McDonnell won Henrico by 13 points in 2009.
  • Chesapeake (2.9% statewide vote; Norfolk Market): Romney loses Chesapeake by 1 point.  Had he won the county by 9.1 points he would have gained 10,000 more votes.  McDonnell won Chesapeake by 21 points in 2009.

Had Romney won these four counties by an average margin of 8.8 points he would have gained 54,000 more votes.  That leaves Romney with 6,000 more votes needed to win Virginia.

IMPROVE-THE-GAP COUNTIES

  • Virginia Beach (5.1% of statewide vote; Norfolk Market): Romney won Virginia Beach by 3 points.  Had he increased his margin of victory by 1.5 points he would have gained an additional 3,000 votes.  McDonnell won Virginia Beach by 28 points in 2009.
  • Chesterfield (4.4% of statewide vote; Richmond Market): Romney won Chesterfield by 8 points.  Had he increased his margin of victory by 1.8 points he would have gained an additional 3,000 votes.  McDonnell won Chesterfield by 33 points in 2009.

Had Romney improved his margin by an average of 1.6 points he would have gained 6,000 more votes needed to win the Commonwealth.

CONCLUSION

Romney needed to shift the overall statewide vote by 2 points (or 75,000 votes) in order to win Virginia.

va counties top 12

Visual Breakdown of the $980 Million Spent on Presidential Ads

Friday, November 30th, 2012

Over $980 million was spent on television and radio advertising during the 2012 Presidential General Election.  When the ad spending from the GOP Primary is included, this total surpasses $1 billion spent on television and radio advertising.  Political ads dominated the airwaves in the battleground states throughout the election.  Who paid for all of those ads?

Of the $980 Million Total Spent: Candidates (56%) vs.  Issue Groups (44%)


Not surprisingly, the two advertisers who spent the most money on political ads were the two candidates themselves: Barack Obama was the biggest spender at $335 million and Mitt Romney was the second biggest spender at $213 million.  Between the two of them, the candidates spent $548 million on ads – but that only counts for a little over half (56%) of the total amount spent on presidential-related ads this election cycle.  The remaining 44% (another $434 million) was spent on behalf of the candidates by 23 different Super PACs and issue groups.

Of the $980 Million Total Spent: Team Romney (60%) vs. Team Obama (40%)

Sixty percent of the money spent on presidential ads came from Pro-Romney advertisers ($583 million) and 40% of the money spent on ads came from pro-Obama advertisers ($400 million).

The majority (63%) of Team Romney’s ad spend came from issue groups who spent $370 million on behalf of Romney, while the candidate spent $213 million (37%).

On the other hand, the majority (84%) of Team Obama’s buy came from the candidate himself ($335 million), while issue groups only made up 16% of Team Obama’s spend ($64 million).

Of Team Romney’s $583 Million: Issue Group (63%) vs. Candidate (37%)

There were 12 major issue groups that placed ads on behalf of Mitt Romney during the election.

Who won the ad war?

Team Romney outspent Team Obama in terms of pure dollars.  This is largely due to the multiple issue groups that advertised on behalf of Romney.  But in political advertising, more money does not always equal more ads reaching more voters.

While issue groups indisputably played a significant role in Presidential advertising this election, it is important to consider the difference between the worth of a candidate’s media buy in comparison to the worth of an issue group’s media buy.   Federal Communications Commission law guarantees candidates the best prices for purchasing ad time, but these laws do not apply to political issue groups.  This means that issue groups often end up paying double, triple or even quadruple the market rate that candidates pay for the same advertisement.  This ratio varies across different markets and time periods, and many issue groups successfully negotiate competitive rates, but these advertisers do not receive the same price protection that political candidates enjoy.  Candidates can reach voters at a lower price.

Even though Team Romney outspent Team Obama by $183 million, does that mean that Team Romney won the ad war?  After all, the majority (63%) of Team Romney’s media buy came from political issue groups (who most likely paid higher rates), while the majority (84%) of Team Obama’s total spend came from the candidate (who most likely paid lower rates).  There are several major factors to consider when approaching this question.

  1. Where? Throughout the election, candidates and issue groups alike advertised in eight different swing states (CO, IA, FL, NC, NH, NV, OH, VA), give or take a few (MI, MN, PA, WI).  Were there certain states where Obama outspent Romney?  In what markets was Romney stronger than Obama?  The ad war question must be asked on a state-by-state, market-by-market basis.
  2. At what time? Advertising for the general election began the week of April 2 (when Rick Santorum dropped out) and lasted for thirty-one weeks, until November 6.  Were there certain periods of time when Obama dominated the airwaves?  How did the GOP spending surge in the last nine days of the election affect the outcome?  The ad war question must be framed in terms of time as well.
  3. On what mediums? Broadcast, cable and radio are the three media types that political candidates traditionally place on.  Who had the most sophisticated cable buy?  When did the candidates start advertising on radio? What were the most crowded broadcast markets?
  4. At what price? Perhaps the biggest question that must be asked when determining which campaign was the most effective buy is one of cost.  Were the some markets where issue groups got better rates?  Which markets skyrocketed?  What price did each campaign pay for advertisements?

In the next few weeks, I will be exploring these questions through more in-depth posts on each subject.

How Will the Electorate Actually Look on Election Day?

Tuesday, September 18th, 2012

To followers of this presidential election, looking at the horse race can feel like a roller coaster. When viewed from certain angles and in certain perspectives, it looks like President Obama is a solid favorite to be reelected. Most public polls have him up, and he appears to be running ahead of his national numbers in the key swing states.

But viewed from other angles, Mitt Romney can seem stronger than these polls show. You can look at the changes in the overall political landscape since 2008 and conclude that Romney is being underestimated.

What is underlying these disparate views of the election is that no one is sure of what the electorate will look like this November.

2008 had the most Democratic electorate in a generation. Accordingly, Barack Obama was the first Democratic presidential candidate to earn over 50.5 percent of the popular vote since Lyndon Johnson in 1964. Thirty-nine percent of the 2008 electorate self-identified as Democrats, compared to 32 percent who identified as Republicans.

Most public polls are assuming a turnout model roughly similar to the 2008 electorate. If this was the case, Obama would certainly win. One could make the case that Democrats are more genuinely enthusiastic for Obama than Republicans are for Romney. And it does appear that Obama is running ahead of where a generic Democrat would be running.

There is another way to look at the electorate. What if the composition looked more like the 2004 or 2010 elections? In both of these elections, the Democrat/Republican self-identification was identical. In 2004, Kerry won independents by one point, but Bush was able to win by getting 11 percent of Democrats to vote for him, compared to 6 percent of Republicans voting for Kerry.

In 2010, Republicans won a larger victory because they won independents by double digits. If this was true, a Romney win would be hiding in plain sight. Most signs do not point to a 2008 repeat in turnout disparity, but a top to bottom look at races across the country also doesn’t seem to point to a 2010-style Republican wave either.

Most of the uncertainty over where the state of the race is and will be on Election Day is over the partisan makeup of the electorate. Around 95 percent of those who identify with a party will vote for that party’s presidential candidate. Because this is such an ingrained preference, approximating the correct partisan breakdown of the electorate is the most critical part of getting an accurate view of the electorate. If pollsters presumed a 2008 turnout model but the actual election revealed a 2004 model, then there would be a large disparity between final predictions and the results.

Besides partisanship, the weighting of racial groups is also very important for determining the outcome. In 2008, 13 percent of the electorate was African-American—an outsized turnout compared to past elections. In 2004, African-Americans were 11 percent of the electorate. Because African-Americans are nearly unanimously in favor of President Obama, a one percent change plus-or-minus in the share of the electorate can make a great difference.

Hispanic turnout is also something to watch. Even though the Hispanic share of the population is increasing, the share of the electorate that is Hispanic has remained stuck at 8 to 9 percent since 2004. If Hispanic turnout stays the same or, as some reports suggest, declines then that can be a determining factor in a series of swing states like Florida, Colorado and Nevada.

Other subgroups can turn the election based on their relative share of the electorate. The 18 to 29-year-old vote was 1 percent greater in 2008 than in 2004. A reversion to past turnout levels would hurt President Obama. The proportion of the electorate that is married or single is worth watching, since marrieds tend to vote Republican and singles tend to vote Democratic. The religious composition is also of importance since nothing for white voters will predict political partisanship better than church attendance. Shifts among these subgroups are also to be looked at for hints of the final outcome.

No one can be sure of what the electorate will look like come November 6. The drama of this election is due to this above all else.

Chris Palko works as an assistant media analyst at Smart Media Group, a Republican political media buying agency in Alexandria, Va. He is a graduate of American University and George Washington University’s Graduate School of Political Management.

A version of this post was also published on Campaign and Election’s blog, Campaign Insider.

The Temperature is Not the Only Thing That’s HOT!

Monday, July 9th, 2012

Presidential Race Heats Up Online After Supreme Court’s Latest Decision

When the Supreme Court voted to uphold Obamacare, it’s no surprise that this became an immediate game-changer in the 2012 race to the White House.  In terms of support and fund-raising both campaigns can report successes.  Also not surprising was the instantaneous response that came from both sides of the political spectrum online.  As soon as the Supreme Court decision was public both Romney and Obama’s campaigns got to work revising online messaging on their websites and social media pages, implementing fundraising online and using their already established email and cell phone databases to infiltrate their supporters immediately with relevant messaging about the decision. 

 Because of the impact (positive or negative depending on whether you sit on the left or the right) that is set to take place with the decision of the health care law; it’s now become one of the most important points of contention in this already heated race to the White House. Both campaigns have leveraged this to bring in fundraising dollars following the decision. CNN reported that Mitt Romney’s camp had raised $4.6 million online alone by the Friday morning following the decision.  Likewise, Obama’s operation, while not revealing specific numbers, said they had surpassed Team Romney’s announced total.  Through traditional methods of fundraising neither side would have been able to raise that amount of money in that short a period of time. While most online donations are smaller on average the scale of reach of online allows for campaigns to connect with more supporters, more quickly.

 Beyond scale of reach, the internet allows for quick adjustment of messaging which helps to keep things relevant and timely. Both campaigns were able to promptly change messaging on their websites and social media pages so that the minute a supporter heard of the decision they could unite with their party through their candidate online. Romney’s campaign changed the homepage of their website to reflect the court’s decision, writing “Obamacare Upheld: Elections have consequences,” underneath was a large red “donate” button. More than a week later, Romney is still riding the wave of the decision to uphold Obamacare. Check out his website here. http://www.mittromney.com/forms/real-reform. In addition both campaigns utilized Facebook to garner support following the decision, again Romney still pushing the need for reform in this space as well (http://www.facebook.com/mittromney).

 Emails and text messages, now a part of everyday life in America, were leveraged as well in an effort to take advantage of this game-changing Supreme Court decision.  Romney’s campaign emailed and sent text messages to supporters asking for campaign contributions with language addressing the recent decision. They said, “The stakes couldn’t be higher. Donate $10 or more to put a stop to the policies of Barack Obama and the liberal Democrats.” Obama’s campaign manager fought back on the online space sending an email to supporters with the subject line “Let’s win the damn election.”  The email drove home their point as to why it’s necessary to keep Obama in office.

Because both campaigns were able to quickly adjust their campaign messaging and effectively reach millions of supporters within minutes of the Supreme Court decision the end was result was increased support and increased fundraising dollars.  When we have the technology of the internet at our fingertips we are not limited to positive results it can achieve for any campaign.

Obama’s Miscalculation on Contraception

Friday, February 10th, 2012

The White House’s early stance antagonized Catholics and could cost Democrats in November.

The Obama administration’s support for mandatory contraceptive coverage has put the Catholic Church in a quandary: sacrifice beliefs or face having its schools, charities and hospitals under government sanction.

It was an odd strategy by the White House. Politically, there appears to have been a short-term gain in that it helped stir the pot in the GOP presidential primary. But long term, it may serve to antagonize Catholic voters, even after the White House’s compromise position was announced on Friday. Come November, the issue could hurt Obama and his fellow Democrats.

Obama can’t win reelection with 2010 levels of support among white Catholics. Last cycle, Republicans won the white Catholic vote by a 59-39 margin. Sweeping GOP victories in crucial swing states such as Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan and Wisconsin could only have occurred with strong support from white Catholics. It was the best Republican year for white Catholic support since the 1920s.

It’s true that overall Catholics are a vote. Obama won 54 percent of all Catholic votes in 2008, while President George W. Bush won 52 percent of them in 2004. But the white Catholic vote is no longer a swing vote on the presidential level. Since 1972, Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton were the only Democrats to have won the white Catholic vote.

It’s notable that Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) was able to win white Catholics 52-48 even while Obama won them overall by a solid margin. The controversy over contraceptive coverage won’t help Obama chip away at that margin and could propel Republicans into a larger share of the overall Catholic vote in November.

Moreover, liberal Catholics are now upset with the administration like never before.  Some of the most active Catholic supporters of Obama, such as former Ambassador Doug Kmiec and author Michael Sean Winters, now say they cannot vote for him. Media allies including E.J. Dionne, Mark Shields and Chris Matthews criticized Obama’s early stance and it’s unclear how they’ll react to the Friday announcement. Catholic allies of the president such as former DNC Chairman Tim Kaine and Sen. Bob Casey (D-Pa.) have also expressed disagreement with the mandate.

None are going to become Republicans any time soon, but for Catholics who are less tied into Democratic Party politics, the alienation from Obama is even more pronounced. The controversy over Obama’s commencement address at Notre Dame in 2009 and the gutting of the Stupak Amendment already isolated liberal Catholics from the mainstream of Church life. Any Catholic involved in a pro-Obama effort in 2012 is going to lose any remaining credibility even among less devout Catholics.

Chris Palko works as an assistant media analyst at Smart Media Group, a Republican political media buying agency in Alexandria, Va. He is a graduate of American University and George Washington University’s Graduate School of Political Management.

A version of this post was also published on Campaign and Election’s blog, Campaign Insider.

In-Game Political Advertising: Does Retail Success Prove Political Value?

Thursday, September 16th, 2010

     As the 2010 Midterm Election heats up, so does the arena of political advertising. Candidates’ campaign budgets for purchasing media are beginning to balloon as races become more competitive across the country. Looking back to October 2008 then, candidate Barack Obama, became the first presidential candidate in the United States to purchase advertising space in the video game market. According to the Obama campaign’s pre-general election filing records, Obama spent $44,465.78 for online video game advertising with the Massive Corporation—a very affordable expenditure for a presidential campaign with deep coffers. Clearly not a keystone of the Obama media campaign, the video game advertising exploration was notable as well as novel however to the political world.

     Certainly criticism exists. Granted the purchase was well timed (October 6-November 3, 2008) during a critical month of the election. The timing of the ad purchase also leads you to believe that the funds were used after ad purchases of a far higher priority took place. Regardless, the purchase begs several questions. Could that $44.5k been spent more efficiently on a television buy in a competitive swing-state market? The purchase was specifically targeted to include ten battleground states (Ohio, Florida, Iowa, Colorado, Indiana, Montana, North Carolina, New Mexico, Nevada, and Wisconsin). However, by law a citizen must be 18 years of age and registered to legally vote in the United States. What percentage of audience met those criteria in an online gaming community? Massive Corporation, the in-game ad firm places restrictions on various advertisements, such as tobacco or alcohol related ads due to the age restrictions of the specific games in question, providing further hesitation to legitimize the target voter demographic in question.

     Interestingly, this week the Nielsen Company released the findings of a study regarding the effectiveness of in-game advertisements. This was the first time that a study of this kind was performed.  The analysis included more than 100,000 U.S. households and focused on many of the same game titles that were purchased by the Obama campaign back in 2008. The study found that “in-game advertising increased household dollars spent on Gatorade by 24%, and offered a return on investment of $3.11.” These results are extremely energizing and enlightening. Whether or not political advertisements will be met with the same success as retail advertisements is still open for debate, research, and review. Another unknown is whether or not voters will see an increase in in-game ads in upcoming elections. Certainly the presence of in-game ads is directly proportional to the size and scope of a particular campaign budget. This being said, the past decade has been witness to an explosion of new mediums of political advertising, as well as the continuous growth of campaign funds. One thing is for sure, political advertising in future elections will continue to take voters by surprise by appearing in unexpected forms.

The Nielsen Company Study

The Evolution of Political Internet Advertisement: From National to Local and Candidate to Issue

Tuesday, August 3rd, 2010

The evolution of the Internet in political advertising is a relatively recent phenomenon. However, it is certainly not unknown. The rise of Internet prominence in the campaign arena brought a flood of discussion across the media, academia, political professional circles—and of course, the blogs–regarding its impact.

                Reflecting back on the past decade or so it would be difficult to forget (or dismiss) the rapidly increasing presence of the Internet in the campaign advertising world. Jesse Ventura is generally given credit for pioneering the idea of political organizing via the Internet during his successful 1998 campaign for Minnesota governor. In 2000, Arizona Senator (and 2000 presidential candidate), John McCain, raised record amounts of Internet donations for his campaign. [1.] “In the week after the senator from Arizona won the New Hampshire primary that year, supporters flooded his campaign website with $2.2 million in contributions.” [2.] George Bush also received record Internet fundraising in 2000. TIME Magazine reported, “In 2000, George W. Bush revolutionized campaign fund raising—and shattered existing records—by creating a muscular network of “bundlers,” each of whom committed to bring in $100,000, $200,000 or more from friends and associates.”[3.] In 2004, Howard Dean would again shatter previous Internet fundraising records through creative innovations in online advertising and soliciting for donations.

                Not surprisingly, by the 2008 election cycle, political advertising and Internet fundraising had become the norm for sending e-mail updates, event notices, pleas for fundraising, volunteer sign-ups, poll location information and local supporter organization. By the end of the first quarter of 2008, over a million people had donated more than $230 million to the Obama Campaign… undeniably the envy of Hillary Clinton’s camp. [4.] Obama had recruited hordes of donors and likely voters via the Internet through a highly modern and innovative advertising campaign.

                One thing that these historical examples of political Internet solicitation have in common is that they all revolve around major political campaigns; making its debut during a statewide governor race and then quickly ascending to the national level to play a role in competitive presidential bids—a place where the Internet is extremely useful in reaching voters across the nation.  However, today Internet advertising has begun to mature as a political advertising medium. Its role in national campaigns will only increase. Similarly, its function in local and statewide fundraising is also developing rapidly. This is not limited to candidate races, issue groups and action committees are also gaining an increased share from Internet advertising.

                Following this trend, on July 22, 2010, America Online launched the AOL Advertising Politics hub. MediaWeek explains, “the AOL Advertising Politics hub (www.advertising.aol.com/politics) …is designed to serve as a sales tool and do-it-yourself ad purchasing platform for political advertisers.”[5.] This site will allow media buyers to easily navigate the vastly fragmented Internet audience and target likely voters and donors. It will also allow small organizations to act directly on the grassroots level and bypass traditional marketing firms and buying agencies. With an ever increasing role in the use of Internet advertising and the 2010 midterm election cycle now entering the General Phase, it will be interesting to watch the development of web solicitation. Going further, political advertising professionals and the general voting population alike will almost certainly see some form of record setting Internet advertising and fundraising during the coming campaign seasons.

  1.  Drinkard, Jim and Lawrence, Jill. “Online, off and running: Web a new campaign front,” USA TODAY, 7/14/2003
  2. Barnes, James A. “Online Fundraising Revolution,” National Journal, 4/19/2008
  3. Tumulty, Karen. “Obama’s Viral Marketing Campaign,” TIME Magazine, 7/5/2007
  4. Barnes, 2008.
  5. Shields, Mike. “AOL Launches AOL Advertising Politics,” MediaWeek, 7/22/2010